BOB CAMPBELL'S WAR
Chapter 6 A golden chance to win the war against corruption
Opposition police spokesman Bob Gibbs, still on the attack, proposed a no confidence motion in Hinze for failing to set up an independent inquiry into corruption. This was the big chance to do something about the years of corruption.
A defeat for the Nationals now could spell 'The End'. A vote of 'no confidence' would have created the opportunity for further motions, such as a motion supporting an inquiry into corruption, the unmasking of Lewis and Murphy and, perhaps, the end of Bjelke-Petersen as Premier. A properly constituted and run Royal Commission would have ended the endemic corruption five years before the start of the Fitzgerald Inquiry.
But the Liberals, to their eternal shame and despite the leadership offered by their president and despite the Liberal Attorney-General having been personally approached by Campbell, decided playing politics was more
important than doing the right thing for Queenslanders.
The Liberal members dutifully followed the National members when the vote was taken. The chance was gone,
47-23.
It appeared the parliamentary prayer for guidance had somehow gone astray.
On the 11th Campbell read in the Courier Mail how Hinze was claiming this vote meant Parliament had expressed its confidence in his handling of the issue and that he was delighted. A story on page 13 told how the Liberals
were proposing a police complaints tribunal. Liberal leader Llew Edwards said he had raised the matter with the Premier. The Premier was saying the existing internal investigation unit was effective! The president of the Bar Association, Bill Pincus QC, said all complaints against the police should be properly investigated and not met with a barrage of personal vilification. If Sturgess had expressed support for Hinze, the Association's committee would not like it to be thought his views were representative of the profession, he said.
Lewis went to see Sturgess regarding writs and then Hinze regarding the possibility of a police complaints tribunal.
Meanwhile, the pressure on Campbell was becoming intolerable.
His mother, a very strict Catholic, had been greatly distressed at Hinze saying in Parliament that Campbell had used the language of the lavatory in the Woolloongabba Worrier. And this had further upset Campbell for
he had used only the Queen's English and had been only one of several authors. But his pen had obviously injured those at whom the articles were aimed.
He collected the children from their Catholic school one afternoon and was asked to see the head nun. She had been briefed by Campbell about his predicament and told him how a uniformed police officer had been to
the school asking if the Campbell children were pupils there and where did they live. She had refused to reveal anything. Campbell made enquiries and soon discovered it was one of the crooked cops about whom he had made allegations.
Every day he had traipsed into the city for at least one job interview. He had come top at the university with high distinctions. Surely, he would have no trouble finding a job. He had been an excellent policeman. Hinze's
much publicised statement about him being a bludger obviously did not help. Campbell would point out that Hinze had used Parliamentary privilege. But he could not even get a job as a salesman. And by now his savings were just about gone. There were three children to think of. He saw an advert for a clothes hire firm, and promptly applied for the job. John Burton, the proprietor, had been out of the country at the time of the
publicity. The interview went well and even though it was not the sort of job Campbell had in mind, at least it would pay the bills.
Back at home, the phone rang. It was Burton. "I was thinking of taking you on but I rang the police department for a reference. Someone there asked me if I was aware of the Parliamentary debate." Worse was to come. The
police officer who had taken the call had been aware of just what was going on. "By the way, have you got Mr Campbell's address?" he asked. "No," said Burton, "But I've got his phone number if that's any help."
Campbell sighed. He knew it would be a simple matter for his address to be obtained from Telecom and that the tail and the threatening calls would start again. They did! There were even loud discussions late at night near
his bedroom window saying what would happen to him and his family.
He and his wife knew then that the only chance to get some peace and maybe a job was to leave the State, leave their parents, relatives and friends and go into exile somewhere.
Monday, March 15 - and the first letter in the Courier Mail. It was from Deputy Commissioner Les Duffy who explained away one of the points Fancourt had been able to make.
On March 17 Nationwide came up with an unnamed serving officer who told Queensland that top cops were indeed crooked. He said: "Corruption in the force feeds off illegal gaming, SP bookmaking and prostitution."
And he warned: "The problem any inquiry is going to find is that it must be recognised that anybody who can
give concrete or first hand information about criminal activities or corrupt police must be involved because of the very nature of their operations. They don't do these things casually. They do them very cunningly."
It warranted about 15 sentences in the next day's paper. And Hooper once more renewed his calls for an
investigation.
In the House, Casey asked a question without notice of Hinze: "Following the presentation last night of further serious allegations of high level corruption in the police force by a serving officer of medium rank and his
preparedness to give evidence to a judicial inquiry and a growing indication that many other members of the police force have the same feeling, will he reconsider his decision to establish an independent judicial inquiry into the Queensland Police Force?"
Hinze said: "Last night, with thousands of other Queenslanders, I witnessed the first episode of a new soap opera on Brisbane television under the title of Nationwide. In an interview that would have done 'General Hospital' or 'Days of Our Lives' proud, Nationwide ran a segment in which a paid actor mouthed allegations allegedly from a member of the Queensland Police Force. I have already made clear my thoughts to this House on the integrity of Nationwide. Those same thoughts have been reproduced in a letter sent this morning to the ABC's general manager. The allegations were vague, meaningless and non-specific but successfully cast another cloud over the Queensland Police Force. The member for Archerfield has made continuous allegations of police corruption. He has used the privilege of this House to slander the police in a cowardly fashion. An offer by myself to have these allegations investigated was rejected."
Nobody objected to this claim by Hinze. But the Government obviously had to put a stop to the allegations before something too specific was raised. Something had to be done before the number of people making allegations
became overwhelming. Lewis got hold of an inspector he knew he could trust with a delicate inquiry. He had given evidence in 1976 which had helped clear organised crime leader Jack Herbert and policeman Neil Freier of serious charges. Herbert later alleged to the Fitzgerald Inquiry that this inspector had committed perjury at the trial. Lewis asked the inspector to find out what he could about Campbell and Cook at Woolloongabba and their part in the Lyons affair. More importantly, Hinze announced he would approach Cabinet to establish a police complaints tribunal to investigate internal and external complaints about the police.
“This morning I have had discussions with the Queensland Police Union," said Hinze. "We do not want McCarthyism in Queensland. We do not want 4000 police officers, their wives and children continually slandered in this Parliament. There will be no inquiry or Royal Commission into the police force."
He said the tribunal would comprise a member of the police department and certainly the president of the police
union.
"Queenslanders are sick to death of the despicable actions of the member for Archerfield and his smut campaign against Queensland's police officers," he boomed. "The day is fast approaching when Mr Hooper, his cronies
and anyone else with allegations against the Queensland Police Force will have to put up or shut up."
The public was still unaware that barrister Des Sturgess's name had been suggested in relation to being briefed to appear for Lewis and Murphy when on March 21 Sunday Sun readers learned he was to meet "with Police Minister Russ Hinze as Cabinet decides plans for its new standing tribunal into complaints against Queensland police". The paper said there were reports that some members of the Bar were critical of Sturgess's opposition to a Royal Commission.
At 2pm next day Constable 1/c Brian Cook was summoned to HQ to be interrogated by Lewis's inspector. He was taken to a small office.
"We've got an eye witness who saw you with the Lyons documentation," said the inspector. "You might as well confess and we'll go easy on you." Cook denied being involved. The inspector's demeanour changed. "You are in
serious trouble," he said, adding that he would produce the eye-witness. Then Cook was questioned at length about the Woolloongabba Worrier. "You're a personal friend of Campbell. You're sympathetic to his cause. You're strongly influenced by him and his attitude to the police department. I reckon you're going to take up where he left off!" Cook replied that nothing could be further from the truth. But he told the inspector that he believed Campbell was the author of the Woolloongabba Worrier. The inspector told him he was in big trouble and he could expect an unwelcome transfer.
One of the constables who had stopped Lyons for drink-driving was also asked to make a statement. He buckled under the pressure and said that Lyons had been driven home and that he had been instructed to take summons
action against Lyons at the time.
A few days later the inspector was promoted.
If there was to be a police complaints tribunal then Lewis needed to be sure of who was appointed. Despite being in Canberra for nine days he phoned Hinze on Monday the 22nd regarding Cabinet's views. Then he phoned his old mate Don Lane, the Cabinet Minister, regarding the composition of the tribunal, suitable members and legislation. And next day he phoned the Premier regarding members of the tribunal. Perhaps a police commissioner anxious to be seen to be impartial and interested in fair play might have refused to involve himself in any of these machinations.
That day, the 23rd, Casey asked Hinze: "As recent statements by the Premier and himself regarding the proposed
Police Investigation Tribunal seem to indicate that the Minister's motive in establishing such a tribunal is to give him the power to intimidate the complainant rather than to punish the guilty, will he establish the tribunal under the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1959 under which all persons, including tribunal members themselves, are afforded legal protection from defamation and retaliation?"
Hinze said that could be looked at later.
Hooper told the Telegraph the only way he could get a Royal Commission was to name the two top cops linked with illegal gaming, SP and prostitution rackets. The proposed tribunal certainly would never work, he said with 20/20 foresight.
Legislation for the police complaints tribunal was ready by March 30. At 7.34pm Hinze struggled to his feet after his dinner and said: "There can be no doubt whatsoever as to the impartiality and independence of the
proposed tribunal. The tribunal is to have discretion on what complaints it should investigate and may refuse to investigate any complaint which is vexatious."
He said complainants deemed to be vexatious could be fined. And despite Col Bennett's fight all those years before to make sure Parliamentarians could not be hauled off elsewhere to be cross-examined by an inferior court, Hinze said: "Suggestions have been put forward that like any other aggrieved member of the public, political representatives, including those sitting in this Chamber, could be brought before the tribunal. I support this concept 100 per cent, because I believe the privilege offered by this House has been subjected to continued abuse in relation to accusations against police."
The debate was adjourned.
On April Fools Day Lewis wrote that he had gone to see National Party president Sir Robert Sparkes regarding media attacks and Campbell. Later he had a drink with his old mate Don Lane, the cabinet minister.
In the House members of the Labor Party told of outrageous actions by police which had gone unchecked.
"I think the media have correctly interpreted this bill. It is a deliberate attempt to remove from the Minister for Police some of the pressure that has been applied to him over the last couple of weeks by some members of
the police force," said the ALP's Bob Gibbs, on the attack again.
He said he was totally against the idea of appointing union member Col Chant because he could be placed in the invidious position of having to investigate Terry Lewis.
Hooper rose to have his say. "The credibility of the Queensland Police Force is in tatters because of the rotten, corrupt National Party-dominated Government. The police union representative will suffer from a serious conflict of interests because of the obvious, close and deceitful marriage between the police union and the present police administration. It is to some of the members of the present police administration that complaints refer.
Col Miller, the deputy Speaker had to deal with this: "Order! I ask the honourable member to withdraw the unparliamentary word 'corrupt'."
Hooper: "In deference to you, Mr Deputy Speaker, I do so. The trouble is caused by the decadence of the National-Party-controlled Government."
Eccentric National Party Cabinet Minister Bob Katter Junior jumped up: "I rise to a point of order. The use of the word 'decadence' is unparliamentary. I ask that it be withdrawn."
Hooper: "I withdraw the word 'decadence' and say that the probity of the National Party-dominated Government leaves much to be desired."
It dawned on government members that Hooper was winning this particular battle and there were no further calls for his comments to be withdrawn.
Click here for chapter 7
A defeat for the Nationals now could spell 'The End'. A vote of 'no confidence' would have created the opportunity for further motions, such as a motion supporting an inquiry into corruption, the unmasking of Lewis and Murphy and, perhaps, the end of Bjelke-Petersen as Premier. A properly constituted and run Royal Commission would have ended the endemic corruption five years before the start of the Fitzgerald Inquiry.
But the Liberals, to their eternal shame and despite the leadership offered by their president and despite the Liberal Attorney-General having been personally approached by Campbell, decided playing politics was more
important than doing the right thing for Queenslanders.
The Liberal members dutifully followed the National members when the vote was taken. The chance was gone,
47-23.
It appeared the parliamentary prayer for guidance had somehow gone astray.
On the 11th Campbell read in the Courier Mail how Hinze was claiming this vote meant Parliament had expressed its confidence in his handling of the issue and that he was delighted. A story on page 13 told how the Liberals
were proposing a police complaints tribunal. Liberal leader Llew Edwards said he had raised the matter with the Premier. The Premier was saying the existing internal investigation unit was effective! The president of the Bar Association, Bill Pincus QC, said all complaints against the police should be properly investigated and not met with a barrage of personal vilification. If Sturgess had expressed support for Hinze, the Association's committee would not like it to be thought his views were representative of the profession, he said.
Lewis went to see Sturgess regarding writs and then Hinze regarding the possibility of a police complaints tribunal.
Meanwhile, the pressure on Campbell was becoming intolerable.
His mother, a very strict Catholic, had been greatly distressed at Hinze saying in Parliament that Campbell had used the language of the lavatory in the Woolloongabba Worrier. And this had further upset Campbell for
he had used only the Queen's English and had been only one of several authors. But his pen had obviously injured those at whom the articles were aimed.
He collected the children from their Catholic school one afternoon and was asked to see the head nun. She had been briefed by Campbell about his predicament and told him how a uniformed police officer had been to
the school asking if the Campbell children were pupils there and where did they live. She had refused to reveal anything. Campbell made enquiries and soon discovered it was one of the crooked cops about whom he had made allegations.
Every day he had traipsed into the city for at least one job interview. He had come top at the university with high distinctions. Surely, he would have no trouble finding a job. He had been an excellent policeman. Hinze's
much publicised statement about him being a bludger obviously did not help. Campbell would point out that Hinze had used Parliamentary privilege. But he could not even get a job as a salesman. And by now his savings were just about gone. There were three children to think of. He saw an advert for a clothes hire firm, and promptly applied for the job. John Burton, the proprietor, had been out of the country at the time of the
publicity. The interview went well and even though it was not the sort of job Campbell had in mind, at least it would pay the bills.
Back at home, the phone rang. It was Burton. "I was thinking of taking you on but I rang the police department for a reference. Someone there asked me if I was aware of the Parliamentary debate." Worse was to come. The
police officer who had taken the call had been aware of just what was going on. "By the way, have you got Mr Campbell's address?" he asked. "No," said Burton, "But I've got his phone number if that's any help."
Campbell sighed. He knew it would be a simple matter for his address to be obtained from Telecom and that the tail and the threatening calls would start again. They did! There were even loud discussions late at night near
his bedroom window saying what would happen to him and his family.
He and his wife knew then that the only chance to get some peace and maybe a job was to leave the State, leave their parents, relatives and friends and go into exile somewhere.
Monday, March 15 - and the first letter in the Courier Mail. It was from Deputy Commissioner Les Duffy who explained away one of the points Fancourt had been able to make.
On March 17 Nationwide came up with an unnamed serving officer who told Queensland that top cops were indeed crooked. He said: "Corruption in the force feeds off illegal gaming, SP bookmaking and prostitution."
And he warned: "The problem any inquiry is going to find is that it must be recognised that anybody who can
give concrete or first hand information about criminal activities or corrupt police must be involved because of the very nature of their operations. They don't do these things casually. They do them very cunningly."
It warranted about 15 sentences in the next day's paper. And Hooper once more renewed his calls for an
investigation.
In the House, Casey asked a question without notice of Hinze: "Following the presentation last night of further serious allegations of high level corruption in the police force by a serving officer of medium rank and his
preparedness to give evidence to a judicial inquiry and a growing indication that many other members of the police force have the same feeling, will he reconsider his decision to establish an independent judicial inquiry into the Queensland Police Force?"
Hinze said: "Last night, with thousands of other Queenslanders, I witnessed the first episode of a new soap opera on Brisbane television under the title of Nationwide. In an interview that would have done 'General Hospital' or 'Days of Our Lives' proud, Nationwide ran a segment in which a paid actor mouthed allegations allegedly from a member of the Queensland Police Force. I have already made clear my thoughts to this House on the integrity of Nationwide. Those same thoughts have been reproduced in a letter sent this morning to the ABC's general manager. The allegations were vague, meaningless and non-specific but successfully cast another cloud over the Queensland Police Force. The member for Archerfield has made continuous allegations of police corruption. He has used the privilege of this House to slander the police in a cowardly fashion. An offer by myself to have these allegations investigated was rejected."
Nobody objected to this claim by Hinze. But the Government obviously had to put a stop to the allegations before something too specific was raised. Something had to be done before the number of people making allegations
became overwhelming. Lewis got hold of an inspector he knew he could trust with a delicate inquiry. He had given evidence in 1976 which had helped clear organised crime leader Jack Herbert and policeman Neil Freier of serious charges. Herbert later alleged to the Fitzgerald Inquiry that this inspector had committed perjury at the trial. Lewis asked the inspector to find out what he could about Campbell and Cook at Woolloongabba and their part in the Lyons affair. More importantly, Hinze announced he would approach Cabinet to establish a police complaints tribunal to investigate internal and external complaints about the police.
“This morning I have had discussions with the Queensland Police Union," said Hinze. "We do not want McCarthyism in Queensland. We do not want 4000 police officers, their wives and children continually slandered in this Parliament. There will be no inquiry or Royal Commission into the police force."
He said the tribunal would comprise a member of the police department and certainly the president of the police
union.
"Queenslanders are sick to death of the despicable actions of the member for Archerfield and his smut campaign against Queensland's police officers," he boomed. "The day is fast approaching when Mr Hooper, his cronies
and anyone else with allegations against the Queensland Police Force will have to put up or shut up."
The public was still unaware that barrister Des Sturgess's name had been suggested in relation to being briefed to appear for Lewis and Murphy when on March 21 Sunday Sun readers learned he was to meet "with Police Minister Russ Hinze as Cabinet decides plans for its new standing tribunal into complaints against Queensland police". The paper said there were reports that some members of the Bar were critical of Sturgess's opposition to a Royal Commission.
At 2pm next day Constable 1/c Brian Cook was summoned to HQ to be interrogated by Lewis's inspector. He was taken to a small office.
"We've got an eye witness who saw you with the Lyons documentation," said the inspector. "You might as well confess and we'll go easy on you." Cook denied being involved. The inspector's demeanour changed. "You are in
serious trouble," he said, adding that he would produce the eye-witness. Then Cook was questioned at length about the Woolloongabba Worrier. "You're a personal friend of Campbell. You're sympathetic to his cause. You're strongly influenced by him and his attitude to the police department. I reckon you're going to take up where he left off!" Cook replied that nothing could be further from the truth. But he told the inspector that he believed Campbell was the author of the Woolloongabba Worrier. The inspector told him he was in big trouble and he could expect an unwelcome transfer.
One of the constables who had stopped Lyons for drink-driving was also asked to make a statement. He buckled under the pressure and said that Lyons had been driven home and that he had been instructed to take summons
action against Lyons at the time.
A few days later the inspector was promoted.
If there was to be a police complaints tribunal then Lewis needed to be sure of who was appointed. Despite being in Canberra for nine days he phoned Hinze on Monday the 22nd regarding Cabinet's views. Then he phoned his old mate Don Lane, the Cabinet Minister, regarding the composition of the tribunal, suitable members and legislation. And next day he phoned the Premier regarding members of the tribunal. Perhaps a police commissioner anxious to be seen to be impartial and interested in fair play might have refused to involve himself in any of these machinations.
That day, the 23rd, Casey asked Hinze: "As recent statements by the Premier and himself regarding the proposed
Police Investigation Tribunal seem to indicate that the Minister's motive in establishing such a tribunal is to give him the power to intimidate the complainant rather than to punish the guilty, will he establish the tribunal under the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1959 under which all persons, including tribunal members themselves, are afforded legal protection from defamation and retaliation?"
Hinze said that could be looked at later.
Hooper told the Telegraph the only way he could get a Royal Commission was to name the two top cops linked with illegal gaming, SP and prostitution rackets. The proposed tribunal certainly would never work, he said with 20/20 foresight.
Legislation for the police complaints tribunal was ready by March 30. At 7.34pm Hinze struggled to his feet after his dinner and said: "There can be no doubt whatsoever as to the impartiality and independence of the
proposed tribunal. The tribunal is to have discretion on what complaints it should investigate and may refuse to investigate any complaint which is vexatious."
He said complainants deemed to be vexatious could be fined. And despite Col Bennett's fight all those years before to make sure Parliamentarians could not be hauled off elsewhere to be cross-examined by an inferior court, Hinze said: "Suggestions have been put forward that like any other aggrieved member of the public, political representatives, including those sitting in this Chamber, could be brought before the tribunal. I support this concept 100 per cent, because I believe the privilege offered by this House has been subjected to continued abuse in relation to accusations against police."
The debate was adjourned.
On April Fools Day Lewis wrote that he had gone to see National Party president Sir Robert Sparkes regarding media attacks and Campbell. Later he had a drink with his old mate Don Lane, the cabinet minister.
In the House members of the Labor Party told of outrageous actions by police which had gone unchecked.
"I think the media have correctly interpreted this bill. It is a deliberate attempt to remove from the Minister for Police some of the pressure that has been applied to him over the last couple of weeks by some members of
the police force," said the ALP's Bob Gibbs, on the attack again.
He said he was totally against the idea of appointing union member Col Chant because he could be placed in the invidious position of having to investigate Terry Lewis.
Hooper rose to have his say. "The credibility of the Queensland Police Force is in tatters because of the rotten, corrupt National Party-dominated Government. The police union representative will suffer from a serious conflict of interests because of the obvious, close and deceitful marriage between the police union and the present police administration. It is to some of the members of the present police administration that complaints refer.
Col Miller, the deputy Speaker had to deal with this: "Order! I ask the honourable member to withdraw the unparliamentary word 'corrupt'."
Hooper: "In deference to you, Mr Deputy Speaker, I do so. The trouble is caused by the decadence of the National-Party-controlled Government."
Eccentric National Party Cabinet Minister Bob Katter Junior jumped up: "I rise to a point of order. The use of the word 'decadence' is unparliamentary. I ask that it be withdrawn."
Hooper: "I withdraw the word 'decadence' and say that the probity of the National Party-dominated Government leaves much to be desired."
It dawned on government members that Hooper was winning this particular battle and there were no further calls for his comments to be withdrawn.
Click here for chapter 7
