BOB CAMPBELL'S WAR
Chapter 2 First salvos
That year, 1977, he wrote his first letters about corruption to officialdom. His first letter went to
Commissioner Lewis, pointing out what was occurring in the Valley. Nothing happened, of course.
In October he wrote to Police Minister Tom Newbery referring to the corruption which had spread like a mould since Whitrod's demise. He requested permission to speak to the media. The letter must have posed a problem for Newbery. It took him five weeks to reply.
"The Police Rules provide for members of the police force to air grievances through their district officer or the
commissioner," wrote the minister (no doubt having consulted Lewis). "The Rules also place certain obligations on members who have knowledge of misconduct on the part of other members."
What Campbell expected to happen, heaven alone knows. The answer was not long in coming. He was removed from policing work completely and given a menial job in the police store. The store was known to Campbell as a punishment centre. It was where you were sent if you were in disgrace for any reason. The previous transfer
had been that of an officer convicted of drink driving. It was where you were sent if you opened your mouth. He knew his time as a useful, working cop was up. He was being punished for threatening to break the first
commandment.
Campbell was deeply upset. His chosen career path had been blocked by barbed wire.
Just before moving into the store he had half an ear on the police radio one night when he realised something
unusual was going on. He later told Labor bucket-tipper Kev Hooper in a letter that was read into the record of Federal Parliament: "I heard a detective - who had recently survived a court battle involving a corruption charge relating to the attempted bribery of Insp A V Pitts - attempt to persuade a gentleman involved with the Ugolini Realty gaming parlour - one of the many protected by Murphy - to pay him money on behalf of Murphy in
return for allowing him to operate without prosecution."
Campbell realised with disgust exactly what had been happening in the force since Whitrod had gone. He decided the criminal element in the force was once again in such a position that it could pervert the course of justice
without detection or fear of prosecution. And he was furious: to think that part of his hard-earned money was being channelled into the union defence fund to pay for the defence of corrupt police. The very existence of the
legal defence fund was an encouragement for those in the force with a dishonest outlook. The cop he overheard was later named at the Fitzgerald Inquiry as being a perjurer.
At the store he worked with police union president Col Chant and quickly worked out what was going on. Chant
was a talkative fellow. Campbell thought of him as being loose-mouthed. Chant seemed to need to emphasise that he was important. "I've just been talking to Terry," he would tell Campbell, going on to reveal what had been
talked about and how they had gone to see Premier Bjelke-Petersen for a conference. It was quite obvious the
union and the commissioner were hand-in-glove when it might have been thought the union should have been a negotiating table's distance away. And the union was being given access direct to the Premier instead of dealing with the police minister, Campbell decided.
Looking on the bright side, he could use his position to his advantage. He doubled the number of subjects at university to accelerate his degree.
Six months after moving to the store, he was told he was being transferred to Woolloongabba. He had arranged all his studying to fit in with his duties at the store. They would know that, Campbell thought to himself ruefully. At least he would be able to get back on the road and resume his successful police work, he thought. But it was not to be.
Right from the first day on June 26, 1978, most of his time was spent filling in forms and answering queries behind
the front counter. Not only was he kept away from anywhere where he could do some good (or harm, depending on where you were standing) but the abuse and ill feeling arose again. One night a sergeant full of piss threatened to punch him up for not being a good Joh Bjelke-Petersen supporter; not being the right sort of policeman. He was getting quite stirred up but he didn't carry out his threat. And an officer who was supposed to be very close to the commissioner delivered some threats. He was a nasty piece of work, decided Campbell. And he despised the way the sergeant disappeared to the Gold Coast on a Saturday afternoon while supposedly working and earning time and a half.
In April 1979 Campbell was called in to see the district superintendent and shown a copy of a memo from Commissioner Lewis. It said: "The police department study assistance scheme is designed: to encourage and to compensate officers for their efforts to become better qualified; and to ensure that the Queensland Police Force has the skills and expertise needed to meet the ever-increasing demands of the force.
"Records here disclose that Senior Constable Campbell has reported on two separate occasions his intention of terminating service with the Queensland Police Force on the completion of this course of study. You are advised that the approval of the bachelor of arts (psychology) course being undertaken by Senior Constable Campbell as an approved course of study under the Police Department Study Assistance Scheme is hereby withdrawn as from the termination of the first semester 1979. You are advised that the rostering of Sen Const Campbell from that time is to be arranged without regard to lecture times or examination times. Please have Sen Cons Campbell note this memorandum and return same to this office by not later than 12 April 1979."
Campbell was furious but not overly surprised. He wrote to the superintendent and the commissioner saying that
he would be writing to the Police Minister. And: "Due to the decision of this department in relation to my study concession I am now applying for permission to communicate with the mass media. Since commencing studies I
have been subjected to two transfers neither of which were applied for and both being contrary to the stated policy of the department. The first came shortly after I had contacted the Minister for Police in relation to certain matters. The victimisation of myself by this department has continued since my first letter to the Minister. Although I am not and never have been a member of a political party, not attended any meetings, rallies or
demonstrations, I have seen it necessary to communicate with Opposition politicians to safeguard myself and my family against police victimisation.
"I have read with interest and heard several press reports in recent time by commissioned officers in relation to fair play and honest treatment of officers. It would appear that I am one of the exceptions to this rule. I regret that I will have to contribute to the wave of publicity against the police and this government in recent times, however, in the interest of other honest police officers I feel it is necessary to bring certain matters out into the open...I request permission to contact the press, like these other officers have."
Campbell wrote to the new Police Minister, Ron Camm, complaining about the decision on his study time, about corruption in the force and asking for permission to speak to the media.
Camm replied on April 30 saying: "I am satisfied you have not been unfairly treated by having your previous course approval withdrawn. Your request regarding the press has been noted but I do not propose to request or direct the acting commissioner to grant you permission to communicate with the media. The other matters raised by you are, in my opinion, not associated with your studies or the withdrawal of your course approval and it is not intended to comment on them."
Missing lectures and being forced to cram studying in to odd corners of the day made life even more of a trial. He was also about to become a father for the third time. But he was determined not to be beaten and studied as hard as he could. Was it worth it? The answer arrived in a letter from the university informing him he had been awarded the Guy Goodricke Prize for being the student "who has pursued with most distinction at least 30 credit
points of level two in psychology in any faculty".
His next battle was with the police union. He decided to withdraw from it, the main reason being that he felt his dues were going to defend corrupt officers when they were charged - which still didn't seem often enough. He was also informed that on at least one occasion corrupt police had not considered it sufficient merely to employ a good barrister for the defence: a quiet word with a jury member was also a good idea.
Resigning from the union was on a par with walking naked down Queen St. It just was not done. The union would
not let go without a struggle. A member of the union executive whose honesty had been challenged in parliament, tried to dissuade him from resigning and wrote to him: "I understand your frustration at certain aspects of the force, having experienced some of the same myself for some 25 years. There are many undesirable aspects within all occupations and ours is no exception. I believed that the best approach was to do my job as best as possible and as I saw it at the time and not to align myself with those not similarly inclined."
Campbell refused to let the worry, anger and frustration of his doomed career interfere with building a home for
his wife and three children. He decided that with careful saving they could afford to have a home built. At the beginning of 1981 they moved from the old Brisbane suburb of Nundah to their new home in Alexandra Hills, 30
minutes' drive east of the city.
Meanwhile threats continued to be made. He would pick up the phone and a voice would say: "I'm going to blow
up your children." He told his wife what was happening and they decided they could not let their children play in front of the house, just in case someone came by and did something. And when they talked about 'someone',
the only people they ever feared were the police. He had never been worried about criminals.
The force was becoming more like the Gestapo, thought Campbell. Aborigines were inevitably bashed after being admitted to the watchhouse. Students were usually bashed. Someone had to do something about this right wing nonsense, he thought. He was not alone, despite attempts to isolate and frighten him. He found other, kindred souls who were willing to poke their fingers in the corrupt giant's eye. Together, they decided they must publicise what was going on. Apart from attempting to bring home to colleagues what was happening, it would be a release for them and give them something positive to concentrate on. They produced a news sheet called the Woolloongabba Worrier. There was no editor as such: no committee. In fact, one of the editions came out while Campbell was off sick for a week. There were liberal doses of humour. And stories about the crooks at the top of the force such as an officer who had been caught shop lifting. Crown Law had dropped the case because of an alleged anxiety condition and the officer had then been promoted.
The union issue dragged on until in anger and frustration Campbell wrote to Col Chant, the union president, on June 28, 1981: "Please accept as of the 30th June, 1981, my resignation from the Queensland Police Union of Employees. I cannot support the legal defence fund on moral grounds.
"I have no intention of boring you, once again, with my disgust of the administration of the police force, however, I wish to lodge the strongest possible protest against the actions by your 'unofficial' representative at this station in attempting to prevent other people from working with me. It was these sorts of tactics that our own Premier condemned and yet your union is condoning them. I am personally taking civil action against (name) for his actions and the only other avenue open to me is to resign from your organisation. I will also be advising the Premier of this union intimidation.
"As you would be aware, Col, I am resigning from the police force in the next 9-12 months and taking up a position as a psychologist and all that I desire is to be left alone. I hope that your union will therefore refrain from further interference in my life. I would also like to state that I have always been exceptionally pro-union as my father was for many years the state president and federal vice-president of his union. I hold dear to me the aims of unionism."
At the end of July Merv Callaghan, the union general secretary, accepted his resignation and warned him the union was writing to the commissioner advising him that Campbell was not entitled to any benefits obtained by the union. And a friend working in the police store told him that Col Chant had said: "Campbell need not come
running to the union for help if he is transferred".
Campbell felt there was probably some sort of conspiracy to transfer him yet again, so he immediately sent a copy of Callaghan's letter to Premier Bjelke-Petersen with a list of his gripes about what was going on in the force. And he wrote that because of his stance on corruption he would almost certainly receive an unwanted transfer in an effort to force him to resign.
He decided that whatever happened with a transfer, he would keep stalling. Then he wrote to the union saying:
"I object to having to pay the legal defence levy in the outstanding fees but have done so merely to be able to get out of further supporting certain criminal elements in the future. I would like it recorded that I have objected to the payment of this levy as I do not want in my future professional life to be in any way associated with the activities of certain dishonest members of the force, even if only indirectly. I now request that your union completely ignore my very existence in the force."
What would the Premier do? The answer came on August 14. "The contents of your letter and its enclosure have been noted by the Premier and will receive consideration. Yours faithfully, D. Thorne, Acting Secretary."
That same month - it could have been coincidence - Campbell was told that despite the fact he had only one more semester of studying, despite his family, his home and his record, he was being transferred to Townsville, in North Queensland, to a 'surplus position'. The drive to force him out was intensifying. He would also have to leave his
social work behind. He had become secretary of the Independent Living for the Physically Handicapped Association and was a house representative for one of the houses administered by the association. He and his wife were distraught. His wife refused to contemplate the transfer, saying that if they went to Townsville they
would be moved on almost immediately until he eventually resigned. And she was terrified that if he went to Townsville, leaving her and the children in Brisbane, the criminal cops would get at her or the kids so that
he would have to rush back from Townsville, thus ending his career. He asked for a deferment and with the backing of the district officer, who obviously did not condone the campaign, this was eventually granted.
For a long time Campbell had wanted to let the public know how rotten the police force was. One way of publicising the rot was to try to have a Member of Parliament raise the issue. The trouble was, he did not trust politicians. Just who could be trusted? Even on the Labor side there were members who were close to people
like Russ Hinze, the Police Minister who many Queenslanders considered suspect.
On October 13 Kev Hooper, the ALP's battleship frontbencher opened fire on the enemy in the House. "Despite the head-in-the-sand attitude of the Bjelke-Petersen Government it is a fact of life that the lucrative drugs,
prostitution and gambling rackets in Queensland have now become a multi-million dollar industry reaching into all sections of Queensland life and controlled by a Queensland mafia. The godfathers of the mafia are
Gerry, Tony and Vince Bellino, Vic Conde(sic), Luciano Scognamiglio, also known as Lugano Scognamiglio, Cosimo Rullo, alias Tony Shifty, and Dominic Pasano. A well-known Brisbane hairdresser and a well-known used car
dealer are alleged to be part of the gang.
“I said quite emphatically that crime of this magnitude could not operate without political and police permission at the highest levels. I am quite disgusted at the holier than thou attitude of the Bjelke-Petersen Government to vice and crime in Queensland."
Next day Campbell became yet another of Hooper's informants. Hooper was to warn Campbell there were Labor politicians he should not trust, even going so far as to name one prominent front bencher.
Having chosen Hooper, he did not just ring and give 'deep throat' details. At the top of a sheet of foolscap he typed out: "Woolloongabba Police Station." And at the bottom of a second sheet he typed: "Thanking you for
your service to Queensland, Yours faithfully, R J Campbell," before signing it with a flourish.
Later read into Federal Hansard, it said in part: "Dear Mr Hooper, Please take the time to read this rather long expose on the Queensland police force. In 1978, after several threats from members of the force, I wrote to the then leader of the Opposition, Mr Burns, and have during the Lewis administration written to all police ministers, except, understandably, the current one.
"In the past four years I have been transferred three times without requesting any transfers and, during this time
never been investigated or charged with any offences. The reasons underlying my transfers and the threats made against me are that firstly I have been the force's most successful university student, having received an award for coming first in my psychology course and, secondly, against my own self-interest, I have attempted to expose the
corrupt practices, such as drug running, bribery, grafting from massage parlours and gambling dens, that are being perpetrated by the Lewis administration.
"It was necessary to take me off the streets at the Valley as I stated my intentions of dealing firmly with any
offenders whether or not they were protected. Through a network of simple-minded non-commissioned officers and the like, this information undoubtedly filtered through to the big-time grafters in the department and thus I was transferred."
He mentioned the occasion on which he had heard the alleged demand for graft over the police radio.
"The era of honesty ended with Whitrod," he wrote. "Any person who had a reasonable intellect or who was honest, like I pride myself on being, was subject to a new form of treatment. After being transferred to Woolloongabba I lost without explanation the study concession available to other officers and finally I
received a transfer to Townsville. Fortunately, I have been allowed to remain in Brisbane until after my university examinations this year. I receive my degree this year and will be resigning from the force. In fact, I advised
the department in 1977 that due to the corruption in the force I would be resigning when I completed my
studies. This latest transfer is designed just to make sure that I do actually leave. Last year I had a new
house built and naturally the department realised I would not be moving.
"I have admired what you have been doing to try and clean up the police force in this state and I am quite sure from your statements that you are well aware of the corrupt elements in the force. Under Mr Whitrod these elements were supressed but since Mr Lewis has come into power they have flourished understandably.
"In late June this year I resigned from the Queensland Police Union of Employees due to the corruption within that organisation, particularly the unhealthy alliance between the executive and the police administration/ National Party (both being synonymous). I wasted a stamp in writing to the Premier concerning this matter and received a reply from some under-secretary (who undoubtedly sent a copy to Lewis). Shortly after, I was transferred.
“My protests against corruption have decidedly worked against me as I have spent a particularly worried last four
years whilst at the same time attempting to study without any concessions. Unfortunately, the department continues on as large as ever with their corrupt practices. Massage parlours are thriving, drugs bigger and better than ever, particularly on the Gold Coast, and honest officers are victimised.
"I have not compromised myself in any way since this administration came into power and now that I am leaving I do not have any regrets regarding my stand against corruption within the force. I think you would have to be a member of this force to appreciate the low, immoral conduct that is indulged in by not just junior members but many senior officers right up to the top echelon. I know of no other way now that I can assist in exposing the
corruption in the force. I anticipate that I will have to leave Queensland within a short period of time as I am sure I will not be left alone - if you know the method of operation of the Murphys and Curries of this force you will
appreciate what I mean by this statement.
"If a royal commission was established into the operations of the police force I would be prepared to give evidence before same. I do not exaggerate or bend the truth to suit myself and I feel confident that some such inquiry would accept my evidence. I doubt however that the Labor Party in Queensland could, thanks to the gerrymander, secure such a Royal Commission. If one were appointed by this government, undoubtedly, it would
be used as a whitewash.
"I wish you every success in your endeavours to expose the corruption of the Bjelke-Petersen/police administration coalition. I feel confident that you know of those members in the Parliamentary wing of the National Party involved with police in drug activity and I would be delighted to have such people receive
their just desserts."
Campbell didn't tell a soul he was in contact with Hooper, not even his wife.
Twelve days later Terry Lewis wrote in his diary: "Saw Col Chant re...S/Const Campbell, Woolloongabba, info to K.
Hooper MLA (member of the legislative assembly)."
If Hooper did not reveal his sources, had the special branch been spying?
And why did Lewis choose to talk to Chant about it, bearing in mind Campbell was not even a union member? But Campbell, of course, was blissfully unaware of the web in which he was becoming ensnared.
In November Campbell completed his degree with a grade point average of six overall and an average in psychology of 6.5. He felt that with his education and qualifications he could easily rise to assistant commissioner - in an honest force. He made two decisions: to attempt a BA honours the next year; and to resign! He wrote on November 12 to the district superintendent: "I have to inform my superiors that I am not now prepared to accept the transfer of myself to Townsville."
He wrote of his wife's fears and said: "I am contemplating resigning. Undoubtedly this will please the
criminal element in the force which has been attempting to achieve this. Before submitting my resignation, however, I require a guarantee from my employer that certain conditions that apply to other officers will similarly be applicable. I require this guarantee as I am not a member of the police union - a fact of which I am extremely proud." And he asked to be allowed to serve out three months' notice without transfer, and to be paid for 14
weeks' holiday owing, 17.5 weeks' long service leave due and about $6000 in superannuation.
Up in his lofty tower Lewis was worried. He wrote in his diary on December 7: "Saw Hon Hinze re...leaks to K. Hooper MLA."
On December 17 he wrote: "Saw Premier re...K. Hooper's police informants."
Why would the Premier be concerned about honest police officers talking to a member of Parliament?
Click here for chapter 3
Commissioner Lewis, pointing out what was occurring in the Valley. Nothing happened, of course.
In October he wrote to Police Minister Tom Newbery referring to the corruption which had spread like a mould since Whitrod's demise. He requested permission to speak to the media. The letter must have posed a problem for Newbery. It took him five weeks to reply.
"The Police Rules provide for members of the police force to air grievances through their district officer or the
commissioner," wrote the minister (no doubt having consulted Lewis). "The Rules also place certain obligations on members who have knowledge of misconduct on the part of other members."
What Campbell expected to happen, heaven alone knows. The answer was not long in coming. He was removed from policing work completely and given a menial job in the police store. The store was known to Campbell as a punishment centre. It was where you were sent if you were in disgrace for any reason. The previous transfer
had been that of an officer convicted of drink driving. It was where you were sent if you opened your mouth. He knew his time as a useful, working cop was up. He was being punished for threatening to break the first
commandment.
Campbell was deeply upset. His chosen career path had been blocked by barbed wire.
Just before moving into the store he had half an ear on the police radio one night when he realised something
unusual was going on. He later told Labor bucket-tipper Kev Hooper in a letter that was read into the record of Federal Parliament: "I heard a detective - who had recently survived a court battle involving a corruption charge relating to the attempted bribery of Insp A V Pitts - attempt to persuade a gentleman involved with the Ugolini Realty gaming parlour - one of the many protected by Murphy - to pay him money on behalf of Murphy in
return for allowing him to operate without prosecution."
Campbell realised with disgust exactly what had been happening in the force since Whitrod had gone. He decided the criminal element in the force was once again in such a position that it could pervert the course of justice
without detection or fear of prosecution. And he was furious: to think that part of his hard-earned money was being channelled into the union defence fund to pay for the defence of corrupt police. The very existence of the
legal defence fund was an encouragement for those in the force with a dishonest outlook. The cop he overheard was later named at the Fitzgerald Inquiry as being a perjurer.
At the store he worked with police union president Col Chant and quickly worked out what was going on. Chant
was a talkative fellow. Campbell thought of him as being loose-mouthed. Chant seemed to need to emphasise that he was important. "I've just been talking to Terry," he would tell Campbell, going on to reveal what had been
talked about and how they had gone to see Premier Bjelke-Petersen for a conference. It was quite obvious the
union and the commissioner were hand-in-glove when it might have been thought the union should have been a negotiating table's distance away. And the union was being given access direct to the Premier instead of dealing with the police minister, Campbell decided.
Looking on the bright side, he could use his position to his advantage. He doubled the number of subjects at university to accelerate his degree.
Six months after moving to the store, he was told he was being transferred to Woolloongabba. He had arranged all his studying to fit in with his duties at the store. They would know that, Campbell thought to himself ruefully. At least he would be able to get back on the road and resume his successful police work, he thought. But it was not to be.
Right from the first day on June 26, 1978, most of his time was spent filling in forms and answering queries behind
the front counter. Not only was he kept away from anywhere where he could do some good (or harm, depending on where you were standing) but the abuse and ill feeling arose again. One night a sergeant full of piss threatened to punch him up for not being a good Joh Bjelke-Petersen supporter; not being the right sort of policeman. He was getting quite stirred up but he didn't carry out his threat. And an officer who was supposed to be very close to the commissioner delivered some threats. He was a nasty piece of work, decided Campbell. And he despised the way the sergeant disappeared to the Gold Coast on a Saturday afternoon while supposedly working and earning time and a half.
In April 1979 Campbell was called in to see the district superintendent and shown a copy of a memo from Commissioner Lewis. It said: "The police department study assistance scheme is designed: to encourage and to compensate officers for their efforts to become better qualified; and to ensure that the Queensland Police Force has the skills and expertise needed to meet the ever-increasing demands of the force.
"Records here disclose that Senior Constable Campbell has reported on two separate occasions his intention of terminating service with the Queensland Police Force on the completion of this course of study. You are advised that the approval of the bachelor of arts (psychology) course being undertaken by Senior Constable Campbell as an approved course of study under the Police Department Study Assistance Scheme is hereby withdrawn as from the termination of the first semester 1979. You are advised that the rostering of Sen Const Campbell from that time is to be arranged without regard to lecture times or examination times. Please have Sen Cons Campbell note this memorandum and return same to this office by not later than 12 April 1979."
Campbell was furious but not overly surprised. He wrote to the superintendent and the commissioner saying that
he would be writing to the Police Minister. And: "Due to the decision of this department in relation to my study concession I am now applying for permission to communicate with the mass media. Since commencing studies I
have been subjected to two transfers neither of which were applied for and both being contrary to the stated policy of the department. The first came shortly after I had contacted the Minister for Police in relation to certain matters. The victimisation of myself by this department has continued since my first letter to the Minister. Although I am not and never have been a member of a political party, not attended any meetings, rallies or
demonstrations, I have seen it necessary to communicate with Opposition politicians to safeguard myself and my family against police victimisation.
"I have read with interest and heard several press reports in recent time by commissioned officers in relation to fair play and honest treatment of officers. It would appear that I am one of the exceptions to this rule. I regret that I will have to contribute to the wave of publicity against the police and this government in recent times, however, in the interest of other honest police officers I feel it is necessary to bring certain matters out into the open...I request permission to contact the press, like these other officers have."
Campbell wrote to the new Police Minister, Ron Camm, complaining about the decision on his study time, about corruption in the force and asking for permission to speak to the media.
Camm replied on April 30 saying: "I am satisfied you have not been unfairly treated by having your previous course approval withdrawn. Your request regarding the press has been noted but I do not propose to request or direct the acting commissioner to grant you permission to communicate with the media. The other matters raised by you are, in my opinion, not associated with your studies or the withdrawal of your course approval and it is not intended to comment on them."
Missing lectures and being forced to cram studying in to odd corners of the day made life even more of a trial. He was also about to become a father for the third time. But he was determined not to be beaten and studied as hard as he could. Was it worth it? The answer arrived in a letter from the university informing him he had been awarded the Guy Goodricke Prize for being the student "who has pursued with most distinction at least 30 credit
points of level two in psychology in any faculty".
His next battle was with the police union. He decided to withdraw from it, the main reason being that he felt his dues were going to defend corrupt officers when they were charged - which still didn't seem often enough. He was also informed that on at least one occasion corrupt police had not considered it sufficient merely to employ a good barrister for the defence: a quiet word with a jury member was also a good idea.
Resigning from the union was on a par with walking naked down Queen St. It just was not done. The union would
not let go without a struggle. A member of the union executive whose honesty had been challenged in parliament, tried to dissuade him from resigning and wrote to him: "I understand your frustration at certain aspects of the force, having experienced some of the same myself for some 25 years. There are many undesirable aspects within all occupations and ours is no exception. I believed that the best approach was to do my job as best as possible and as I saw it at the time and not to align myself with those not similarly inclined."
Campbell refused to let the worry, anger and frustration of his doomed career interfere with building a home for
his wife and three children. He decided that with careful saving they could afford to have a home built. At the beginning of 1981 they moved from the old Brisbane suburb of Nundah to their new home in Alexandra Hills, 30
minutes' drive east of the city.
Meanwhile threats continued to be made. He would pick up the phone and a voice would say: "I'm going to blow
up your children." He told his wife what was happening and they decided they could not let their children play in front of the house, just in case someone came by and did something. And when they talked about 'someone',
the only people they ever feared were the police. He had never been worried about criminals.
The force was becoming more like the Gestapo, thought Campbell. Aborigines were inevitably bashed after being admitted to the watchhouse. Students were usually bashed. Someone had to do something about this right wing nonsense, he thought. He was not alone, despite attempts to isolate and frighten him. He found other, kindred souls who were willing to poke their fingers in the corrupt giant's eye. Together, they decided they must publicise what was going on. Apart from attempting to bring home to colleagues what was happening, it would be a release for them and give them something positive to concentrate on. They produced a news sheet called the Woolloongabba Worrier. There was no editor as such: no committee. In fact, one of the editions came out while Campbell was off sick for a week. There were liberal doses of humour. And stories about the crooks at the top of the force such as an officer who had been caught shop lifting. Crown Law had dropped the case because of an alleged anxiety condition and the officer had then been promoted.
The union issue dragged on until in anger and frustration Campbell wrote to Col Chant, the union president, on June 28, 1981: "Please accept as of the 30th June, 1981, my resignation from the Queensland Police Union of Employees. I cannot support the legal defence fund on moral grounds.
"I have no intention of boring you, once again, with my disgust of the administration of the police force, however, I wish to lodge the strongest possible protest against the actions by your 'unofficial' representative at this station in attempting to prevent other people from working with me. It was these sorts of tactics that our own Premier condemned and yet your union is condoning them. I am personally taking civil action against (name) for his actions and the only other avenue open to me is to resign from your organisation. I will also be advising the Premier of this union intimidation.
"As you would be aware, Col, I am resigning from the police force in the next 9-12 months and taking up a position as a psychologist and all that I desire is to be left alone. I hope that your union will therefore refrain from further interference in my life. I would also like to state that I have always been exceptionally pro-union as my father was for many years the state president and federal vice-president of his union. I hold dear to me the aims of unionism."
At the end of July Merv Callaghan, the union general secretary, accepted his resignation and warned him the union was writing to the commissioner advising him that Campbell was not entitled to any benefits obtained by the union. And a friend working in the police store told him that Col Chant had said: "Campbell need not come
running to the union for help if he is transferred".
Campbell felt there was probably some sort of conspiracy to transfer him yet again, so he immediately sent a copy of Callaghan's letter to Premier Bjelke-Petersen with a list of his gripes about what was going on in the force. And he wrote that because of his stance on corruption he would almost certainly receive an unwanted transfer in an effort to force him to resign.
He decided that whatever happened with a transfer, he would keep stalling. Then he wrote to the union saying:
"I object to having to pay the legal defence levy in the outstanding fees but have done so merely to be able to get out of further supporting certain criminal elements in the future. I would like it recorded that I have objected to the payment of this levy as I do not want in my future professional life to be in any way associated with the activities of certain dishonest members of the force, even if only indirectly. I now request that your union completely ignore my very existence in the force."
What would the Premier do? The answer came on August 14. "The contents of your letter and its enclosure have been noted by the Premier and will receive consideration. Yours faithfully, D. Thorne, Acting Secretary."
That same month - it could have been coincidence - Campbell was told that despite the fact he had only one more semester of studying, despite his family, his home and his record, he was being transferred to Townsville, in North Queensland, to a 'surplus position'. The drive to force him out was intensifying. He would also have to leave his
social work behind. He had become secretary of the Independent Living for the Physically Handicapped Association and was a house representative for one of the houses administered by the association. He and his wife were distraught. His wife refused to contemplate the transfer, saying that if they went to Townsville they
would be moved on almost immediately until he eventually resigned. And she was terrified that if he went to Townsville, leaving her and the children in Brisbane, the criminal cops would get at her or the kids so that
he would have to rush back from Townsville, thus ending his career. He asked for a deferment and with the backing of the district officer, who obviously did not condone the campaign, this was eventually granted.
For a long time Campbell had wanted to let the public know how rotten the police force was. One way of publicising the rot was to try to have a Member of Parliament raise the issue. The trouble was, he did not trust politicians. Just who could be trusted? Even on the Labor side there were members who were close to people
like Russ Hinze, the Police Minister who many Queenslanders considered suspect.
On October 13 Kev Hooper, the ALP's battleship frontbencher opened fire on the enemy in the House. "Despite the head-in-the-sand attitude of the Bjelke-Petersen Government it is a fact of life that the lucrative drugs,
prostitution and gambling rackets in Queensland have now become a multi-million dollar industry reaching into all sections of Queensland life and controlled by a Queensland mafia. The godfathers of the mafia are
Gerry, Tony and Vince Bellino, Vic Conde(sic), Luciano Scognamiglio, also known as Lugano Scognamiglio, Cosimo Rullo, alias Tony Shifty, and Dominic Pasano. A well-known Brisbane hairdresser and a well-known used car
dealer are alleged to be part of the gang.
“I said quite emphatically that crime of this magnitude could not operate without political and police permission at the highest levels. I am quite disgusted at the holier than thou attitude of the Bjelke-Petersen Government to vice and crime in Queensland."
Next day Campbell became yet another of Hooper's informants. Hooper was to warn Campbell there were Labor politicians he should not trust, even going so far as to name one prominent front bencher.
Having chosen Hooper, he did not just ring and give 'deep throat' details. At the top of a sheet of foolscap he typed out: "Woolloongabba Police Station." And at the bottom of a second sheet he typed: "Thanking you for
your service to Queensland, Yours faithfully, R J Campbell," before signing it with a flourish.
Later read into Federal Hansard, it said in part: "Dear Mr Hooper, Please take the time to read this rather long expose on the Queensland police force. In 1978, after several threats from members of the force, I wrote to the then leader of the Opposition, Mr Burns, and have during the Lewis administration written to all police ministers, except, understandably, the current one.
"In the past four years I have been transferred three times without requesting any transfers and, during this time
never been investigated or charged with any offences. The reasons underlying my transfers and the threats made against me are that firstly I have been the force's most successful university student, having received an award for coming first in my psychology course and, secondly, against my own self-interest, I have attempted to expose the
corrupt practices, such as drug running, bribery, grafting from massage parlours and gambling dens, that are being perpetrated by the Lewis administration.
"It was necessary to take me off the streets at the Valley as I stated my intentions of dealing firmly with any
offenders whether or not they were protected. Through a network of simple-minded non-commissioned officers and the like, this information undoubtedly filtered through to the big-time grafters in the department and thus I was transferred."
He mentioned the occasion on which he had heard the alleged demand for graft over the police radio.
"The era of honesty ended with Whitrod," he wrote. "Any person who had a reasonable intellect or who was honest, like I pride myself on being, was subject to a new form of treatment. After being transferred to Woolloongabba I lost without explanation the study concession available to other officers and finally I
received a transfer to Townsville. Fortunately, I have been allowed to remain in Brisbane until after my university examinations this year. I receive my degree this year and will be resigning from the force. In fact, I advised
the department in 1977 that due to the corruption in the force I would be resigning when I completed my
studies. This latest transfer is designed just to make sure that I do actually leave. Last year I had a new
house built and naturally the department realised I would not be moving.
"I have admired what you have been doing to try and clean up the police force in this state and I am quite sure from your statements that you are well aware of the corrupt elements in the force. Under Mr Whitrod these elements were supressed but since Mr Lewis has come into power they have flourished understandably.
"In late June this year I resigned from the Queensland Police Union of Employees due to the corruption within that organisation, particularly the unhealthy alliance between the executive and the police administration/ National Party (both being synonymous). I wasted a stamp in writing to the Premier concerning this matter and received a reply from some under-secretary (who undoubtedly sent a copy to Lewis). Shortly after, I was transferred.
“My protests against corruption have decidedly worked against me as I have spent a particularly worried last four
years whilst at the same time attempting to study without any concessions. Unfortunately, the department continues on as large as ever with their corrupt practices. Massage parlours are thriving, drugs bigger and better than ever, particularly on the Gold Coast, and honest officers are victimised.
"I have not compromised myself in any way since this administration came into power and now that I am leaving I do not have any regrets regarding my stand against corruption within the force. I think you would have to be a member of this force to appreciate the low, immoral conduct that is indulged in by not just junior members but many senior officers right up to the top echelon. I know of no other way now that I can assist in exposing the
corruption in the force. I anticipate that I will have to leave Queensland within a short period of time as I am sure I will not be left alone - if you know the method of operation of the Murphys and Curries of this force you will
appreciate what I mean by this statement.
"If a royal commission was established into the operations of the police force I would be prepared to give evidence before same. I do not exaggerate or bend the truth to suit myself and I feel confident that some such inquiry would accept my evidence. I doubt however that the Labor Party in Queensland could, thanks to the gerrymander, secure such a Royal Commission. If one were appointed by this government, undoubtedly, it would
be used as a whitewash.
"I wish you every success in your endeavours to expose the corruption of the Bjelke-Petersen/police administration coalition. I feel confident that you know of those members in the Parliamentary wing of the National Party involved with police in drug activity and I would be delighted to have such people receive
their just desserts."
Campbell didn't tell a soul he was in contact with Hooper, not even his wife.
Twelve days later Terry Lewis wrote in his diary: "Saw Col Chant re...S/Const Campbell, Woolloongabba, info to K.
Hooper MLA (member of the legislative assembly)."
If Hooper did not reveal his sources, had the special branch been spying?
And why did Lewis choose to talk to Chant about it, bearing in mind Campbell was not even a union member? But Campbell, of course, was blissfully unaware of the web in which he was becoming ensnared.
In November Campbell completed his degree with a grade point average of six overall and an average in psychology of 6.5. He felt that with his education and qualifications he could easily rise to assistant commissioner - in an honest force. He made two decisions: to attempt a BA honours the next year; and to resign! He wrote on November 12 to the district superintendent: "I have to inform my superiors that I am not now prepared to accept the transfer of myself to Townsville."
He wrote of his wife's fears and said: "I am contemplating resigning. Undoubtedly this will please the
criminal element in the force which has been attempting to achieve this. Before submitting my resignation, however, I require a guarantee from my employer that certain conditions that apply to other officers will similarly be applicable. I require this guarantee as I am not a member of the police union - a fact of which I am extremely proud." And he asked to be allowed to serve out three months' notice without transfer, and to be paid for 14
weeks' holiday owing, 17.5 weeks' long service leave due and about $6000 in superannuation.
Up in his lofty tower Lewis was worried. He wrote in his diary on December 7: "Saw Hon Hinze re...leaks to K. Hooper MLA."
On December 17 he wrote: "Saw Premier re...K. Hooper's police informants."
Why would the Premier be concerned about honest police officers talking to a member of Parliament?
Click here for chapter 3
