BOB CAMPBELL'S WAR
Chapter 5 The premier counter attacks
In the House, Hinze stood up at the start of the day at 11.03 after the charade of prayers and said with all the pomp lent to him by the bulk of his weight and office: "Last night the ABC television program Nationwide saw
fit to broadcast a one-sided and obviously prejudiced attack against the Queensland police force. Anyone who bothered to watch that program last night would have been stunned and surprised by the attempted smear of honest and hard-working members of the force by two former officers. This House should be aware that last night's program went to air without any opportunity being afforded to the Queensland Police Department to put its case. I think this is a reflection on the motives behind the entire Nationwide segment. The program was
based on allegations made by Messrs Bob Campbell and Kingsley Fancourt.
"This morning prior to the House sitting I discussed these allegations with the Commissioner of Police and his senior officers. I am satisfied that there is no truth in the accusations and that both men have deliberately set out to destroy the credibility of their former colleagues. By their admissions on Nationwide last night they have in fact destroyed their own credibility.
"To set the record straight and in an attempt to determine why they decided to smear the Queensland Police Force, it is important to examine the backgrounds of both Campbell and Fancourt."
Hinze gave brief details of Campbell's history, without any mention of points such as his arrest record. "Colleagues of Campbell have openly described him as a malcontent, both in his attitude to the administration of the Queensland Police Force and his position in the force," he told Parliament. "He took the unusual action of refusing to remain a member of the Queensland Police Union. This, of course, is not the first time the activities of Sen Const Campbell have been brought to the notice of senior police. On December 22 1981. the officer in charge of internal investigations, Det Supt A T Pointing together with Inspector Summerfield interviewed Sen Cons Campbell in relation to allegations of corruption within the force.
"It is on record that at that interview, under questioning from Det Sup Pointing and Insp Summerfield, Sen Cons Campbell assured both officers he had no knowledge or suspicion of any criminal corruption with the police
force. He informed both officers that his original allegations of corruption centred around his disquiet relating to an unrequested transfer.
"I am sure that all honourable members find it amazing that Sen Cons Campbell as recently as four months ago was provided with an opportunity to expand on allegations of corruption within the force. For the benefit of the
honourable member for Archerfield I repeat that Campbell assured both Det Sup Pointing and Insp Summerfield that he had no knowledge or suspicion of any criminal corruption within the force. I think this admission by Campbell only three months ago offers a true reflection of the sincerity of his remarks on Nationwide last night.
"Throughout his service, Campbell appeared obsessed with the attitude of other police officers and what he regarded as corrupt activities within the department. In fact, his colleagues were well aware of his attitudes
and resented Campbell's lack of interest in his police duties. He was characterized by his colleagues as a bludger and a professional student.
"I am reliably informed that Robert J Campbell is the author of an underground newspaper, known as the Woolloongabba Worrier. This grubby little rag, which has seen three issues, was published anonymously and clearly expounds the philosophies that were repeated in last night's scurrilous attack on Nationwide."
Hinze switched his attack to Fancourt and tipped a bucket over him as well. And he told the House that Hooper had set up the whole thing as a "deliberate smear against the entire Queensland Police Force".
Bob Gibbs, the Labor Police spokesman, backed Hooper and Campbell by asking Bjelke-Petersen if he would order a Royal Commission to clear honest police and restore public confidence in the force.
The churchgoing, Christian, law-and-order Premier said: "The answer is no. If the honourable member listened to the police commissioner he should know that he is stretching the bow rather far when he refers to these two
former police officers as honest policemen. Their close association with the honourable member for Archerfield should indicate their standing. That clarifies the situation very clearly. If the honourable member adds up the three of them he will get the answer. The answer is no, there will be no inquiry."
And so the two men's characters were assassinated. They were accusing top officers of corruption. Those same men had told Hinze what answers to give to Parliament. Campbell and Fancourt were scum. Quite why they would want to go on television to commit slander was not explained satisfactorily. But at least Bjelke-Petersen and Hinze were off the hook for the moment. As the Fitzgerald Report was to say, Hinze had vilified the men. And the Government had weathered the initial onslaught. Parliament was not due to sit again until the ninth.
But Hinze was not out of it yet. He was besieged by the media. Hadn't he deliberately attempted to smear the men's names instead of addressing himself to the allegations of corruption?
"No," snarled Hinze. "Now you know as well as I do that it was trickery of the highest order by your own Nationwide. Frankly you should be ashamed of yourself."
He turned on the media, saying: "There's bad apples in everything and there'd be a few corrupt reporters too, wouldn't there? Would you like us to have a little bit of an investigation? You might get a bit of a shock!"
A reporter asked: "Are you threatening the media, Mr Hinze?"
"I wouldn't threaten anybody," the big man replied. "You know I'm far too gentle to threaten anybody."
He turned on Campbell again: "Now if he could catch anyone in a hundred years I'll walk to Camooweal. I watched him try to play tennis this morning. Now, have you ever seen anything as funny in all your life? All I'm trying to say is there is no way in the world he was overworked."
Asked to answer the allegations, Hinze turned on the reporter: "Well, I'll give you a bit of a pasting today, young fella. You'll be out of a job tomorrow."
Campbell agreed to go before the cameras of Nationwide again that night. The first point was that Hinze had accused him of setting out to destroy the credibility of the force.
He replied that after a royal commission the force's credibility would rise rather than fall. He explained about his meeting with the two internal investigations officers just before Christmas. And he told how Doumany had never even replied to his huge statement.
Viewers were told Hinze had refused to come on the program to reply to the allegations. And the anchorman told how Lewis's office had originally asked for a right of reply to the allegations. Now the program had been told Lewis would have preferred to have appeared last night. Now he was too busy!
Campbell picked up his Courier Mail on March 5 to find he was the subject of the main story. The good news was that Hinze was saying he was prepared to inquire into the allegations. The bad news was that he called the
accusations "a cock and bull story concocted by two malcontents with a grudge against the police force". Worse, Deputy Police Commissioner Duffy had been personally ordered by Lewis to find Campbell but, of course, had been unable to do so. He read also that the Premier had rejected any inquiry.
Hooper, determined to try to bring the issue to a head, was quoted as saying he was prepared to state the names of corrupt senior police, including the man known as the Godfather of organised crime in this State, if he was given the opportunity in Parliament. Deep in the paper was another story on Joh rejecting calls for a police probe.
There were no letters from angry readers: no leading article in any newspaper demanding action.
At police HQ Lewis diarised: "spoke to Des Sturgess who used video recorder with Asst Comm Murphy".
On Saturday March 6 Campbell was horrified to find the on-going story relegated to page 10 with Queensland Council for Civil Liberties and Liberal president Dr John Herron demanding an independent inquiry.
Lewis phoned Hinze to tell him of Campbell's 11-page statement and a three-page covering opinion by the Solicitor-General. And he met Murphy to discuss Campbell's statement - the one which was meant to be
confidential.
Next day there was a tiny story in the Sunday Sun and nothing at all in the Sunday Mail. Lewis was busy. "Asst Comm Murphy called re statements to D Sturgess LLB. Phoned Mr Sturgess re same. Phoned hon Lane
re general matters. Phoned Allen Callaghan re same." Callaghan was the Premier's right hand man - a man who
would eventually be jailed for fraud.
On March 8 The Courier Mail carried a negative story headlined: Last chance says Hinze. Campbell and Fancourt were supposed to name names or drop their allegations. The story reported that Hinze had only just sighted the
statement Campbell had given to Sam Doumany. Hinze was surprised it had not reached him before. A report on the statement by the Solicitor-General's office was leaked to the paper. The Solicitor-General's report said: "All in all the document is characterised by vagueness and innuendoes. He (Campbell) does suggest that a further statement would be forthcoming if confidentiality can be respected."
That day Minister Lane, the former Rat Pack associate, returned Lewis's call from the previous day.Tony Murphy called Lewis regarding his conversations with Sturgess.
With the campaign faltering disastrously, Fancourt was brave enough to go back on Nationwide that night to enlarge on his claims and to tell how he believed a Scotland Yard report into corruption in the Queensland force
had been shredded.
Hinze had issued Campbell a challenge to put up or shut up. But Campbell was aware that if he revealed his evidence it would quickly be countered. Any investigation would be a whitewash. He and his solicitor came up with a statement which emphasised what Campbell possessed without giving anything away.
It said: "I Robert James Campbell, of 20 Chelsea Crescent, Alexandra Hills, in the State of Queensland, do solemnly and sincerely declare that I have in my possession information and documentation relating to police corruption. This information concerns some individuals in positions of high authority in the Queensland police force. I am prepared to name these people and give this information to an independent judicial inquiry or a royal commission into corruption in the Queensland police force should they be held."
On March 9 the president of the Liberal Party, Dr John Herron, said Queensland deserved a better deal than the one dealt by Hinze. He called on Bjelke-Petersen to remove him from the police portfolio. Campbell noticed there
were still no letters or leading articles in the papers.
Lewis recalled in his diary: "Allen Callaghan phoned re media attitude to allegations. Premier phoned re action on Campbell and Fancourt's allegations. Hon Lane phoned re general matters. Saw Hon Hinze re...Premier phoning this morning and agreeing to briefing of Mr Des Sturgess (Minister also agreed and said Hon Doumany said to go
ahead)."
The guardians of Queensland's democracy met in the venerable Parliament House at 11 am. The Speaker, Selwyn Muller, prayed for divine guidance so that the members could reach just decisions. Two minutes later the gross figure of Russ Hinze was on his feet with a Ministerial statement.
"Two days ago in the interests of the public and of the police themselves, I offered to provide Campbell and Fancourt with a unique opportunity to back up their claims. Between 9.30 and 10 am this morning I waited in my
office for them to produce sworn affidavits detailing their allegations. For the information of honourable members, at eight minutes past 10 this morning a young girl who refused to identify herself or her employer delivered a document to my office."
Then Hinze showed what a wily old politician he was. Instead of reading out Campbell's declaration, with its renewed affirmation that there was evidence that top police were criminals, he said he would table it. This meant
it would only be available for inspection by those willing to take the time to seek it out. Many members would not do so.
To the majority of the house who would take his words at face value, Hinze declared of the statement: "It proves beyond any shadow of a doubt that Campbell and Fancourt do not have the evidence to back up their wild and
unfounded allegations. I have received no correspondence or contact whatsoever from Fancourt and I think this is ample reflection of the sincerity of his statements. The document received by my office can best be described as a face saver by Campbell. It is a six-line statutory declaration which says nothing, does nothing and means nothing. It will however, be forwarded to the Solicitor-General for advice."
Hinze repeated that he would table the document - "in the interests of clearing the name of all police officers who have been cowardly maligned by these allegations".
He complained that Royal Commissions gave great opportunities to the malicious. "This latest application for a Royal Commission failed all tests. Campbell has made allegations for some time past of impropriety in the police
force. He has been interviewed on different occasions by Supt Pointing and Insp Summerfield and by the Commissioner and Deputy Commissioner. His allegation then was that he had been victimised in relation to transfers. On 24 December, 1981 - apparently during his hours of duty - he typed a ten and a half page statement
and sent it to the Honourable the Attorney-General (Doumany). It was examined by the Solicitor-General who reported amongst other things: 'All in all, the document is characterised by vagueness and innuendoes...the material in its present form is grossly unsatisfactory from any point of view and of itself would not warrant any major investigation of the type which he wishes.'
“The only specific allegation made by Campbell related to the conduct of a Det Sgt Freier at some unidentified time and place prior to Campbell's transfer from Fortitude Valley in December 1977. This stale allegation is now the subject of defamation proceedings in the Supreme Court, and in any event, is scarcely a matter that requires a Royal Commission."
Hinze was doubly clever here.
As he was well aware, even the Solicitor-General had indicated that the statement to Doumany was merely Campbell's feeler - a way of testing the water. It plainly was not meant to detail everything Campbell had to reveal.
But this time Hinze did not even table the statement. He kept this information to himself. Other Parliamentarians would never know the true situation. Secondly, by telling the House the matter was now the subject of a writ, he was effectively closing the door on any debate of the contents of Campbell's original statement. It was a well-established practice that the Speaker gagged debate in these circumstances.
Hinze renewed his attack: "What is Campbell's background? He has been a malcontent. He has quarrelled with his union, his workmates and his superiors...Prior to his resignation he had been publishing a document called
the Woolloongabba Worrier. The language of it is the language of a lavatory wall. In one edition he said shocking things about the commissioner and the president and the secretary of the police union - persons with whom he had worked."
During question time Labor leader Ed Casey pointed out that National Party president Sir Robert Sparkes favoured a judicial inquiry and Liberal Party president Dr John Herron had said Hinze should be removed from his
portfolio because the police deserved a better deal than the one dealt by Hinze. So would Hinze think again about a judicial inquiry?
"Under the present circumstances the answer is an emphatic 'no'," said Hinze, adding with what passed for subtle repartee in the Queensland Parliament: "Dr Herron can go and jump in the proverbial lake."
Hooper asked Hinze what action he had taken with the police licensing branch in dealing with the illegal gambling dens operating at 142 Wickham St and 121 Brunswick St, Fortitude Valley.
Hinze admitted he had turned down an invitation from Hooper to see at first hand what happened there. He said he had recently driven past the den in Wickham St, on the ground floor of which was Bubbles Bath House. "I
remarked to the police officer with me 'That is the joint Hooper wanted us to go into. If Hooper went in there he would want to jump into the bath and have a swim because he would have fleas all over him before he got out of the place.' Of course they are there."
In the dining room at Parliament House that lunchtime Campbell was a guest of Hooper. The two of them sat down ostentatiously to await the arrival of Hinze. But despite Hooper waving for him to come over, Hinze
determinedly avoided their table.
Next day The Courier-Mail reported: Joh backs Hinze on police ruling. And another story told how one of three members of the 1977 judicial inquiry into criminal law, Des Sturgess, agreed with Mr Hinze's refusal to
appoint a royal commission into Campbell's and Fancourt's allegations. "It would have been completely
irresponsible to set up a royal commission on the material that was given," he said.
The public would not have been aware that the Premier had sanctioned Sturgess's briefing to act for Lewis. Sturgess was the barrister of choice whenever any of the Rat Pack needed legal representation.
And Sturgess was reported in the Telegraph as saying unsubstantiated allegations did enormous damage to the force. The same article quoted Bjelke-Petersen as saying the government was satisfied the allegations of
Campbell and Fancourt were groundless.
Campbell noticed resignedly that the Courier Mail had still not received a single letter on the subject. But at least it now carried a leader on the topic. It recalled how the Premier had led the Government in rejecting the
report of the 1977 inquiry into the force. But the leader did not call for an inquiry now.
Despite the enormity of the Nationwide allegations, it wasn’t until now that the Premier actually sat down face to face with his police chief, according to Lewis's diary. Lewis drew up an agenda for the meeting which centred on Campbell's statement to Doumany. He had analysed it and among the matters he wanted to raise with Bjelke-Petersen was Freier - alleged in the statement to have been overheard collecting graft. It appears from the diary
that the Premier was not an angry man. He was not demanding explanations. The diary reads: "Office 7.20am. Saw Premier re Hooper's comments; Campbell's statement; union's attitude; Sturgess retained; and he mentioned replacement of Hinze." Then Lewis phoned the National Party president Sir Robert Sparkes for a chat.
In the House Casey asked the Premier a reasonable question about the Scotland Yard investigation of corruption in the Queensland police. The 1977 report had never seen the light of day. What had happened to it? asked
Casey.
Bjelke-Petersen: "It is quite evident that as usual the Labor Party is conducting a campaign to destroy public confidence in the police force. The Labor Party's mission is to work together with the activists and communists
with whom it associates and who are part and parcel of its organisation. The Labor Party is completely controlled by the communists and the socialist left-wingers. The Labor Party is trying to destroy the police force because it
knows that only by doing so can the communists and members of the Opposition hope to gain power within their party. Queensland is fortunate in having the best police force in Australia and the best police commissioner in Australia. I support the commissioner and his officers very strongly. Queensland is confronted with a serious situation, one in which the Labor Party is working with black activists and is supporting and promoting them."
If there was anything worse than a student in the Christian Premier's view, it was a full time student - obviously
a long-haired, scruffy, dirty, lazy, pot-smoking, traffic-blocking demonstrator. And if there was anything worse
than a full-time student it was a black activist, such as Nelson Mandela.
The diatribe went stumbling on disjointedly. Four times Casey interjected, trying to get his question answered. The Speaker shouted him down: "Order! The question asked by the leader of the Opposition has been answered.
Whether it was answered to his satisfaction or not is not my concern."
Click here for chapter 6
fit to broadcast a one-sided and obviously prejudiced attack against the Queensland police force. Anyone who bothered to watch that program last night would have been stunned and surprised by the attempted smear of honest and hard-working members of the force by two former officers. This House should be aware that last night's program went to air without any opportunity being afforded to the Queensland Police Department to put its case. I think this is a reflection on the motives behind the entire Nationwide segment. The program was
based on allegations made by Messrs Bob Campbell and Kingsley Fancourt.
"This morning prior to the House sitting I discussed these allegations with the Commissioner of Police and his senior officers. I am satisfied that there is no truth in the accusations and that both men have deliberately set out to destroy the credibility of their former colleagues. By their admissions on Nationwide last night they have in fact destroyed their own credibility.
"To set the record straight and in an attempt to determine why they decided to smear the Queensland Police Force, it is important to examine the backgrounds of both Campbell and Fancourt."
Hinze gave brief details of Campbell's history, without any mention of points such as his arrest record. "Colleagues of Campbell have openly described him as a malcontent, both in his attitude to the administration of the Queensland Police Force and his position in the force," he told Parliament. "He took the unusual action of refusing to remain a member of the Queensland Police Union. This, of course, is not the first time the activities of Sen Const Campbell have been brought to the notice of senior police. On December 22 1981. the officer in charge of internal investigations, Det Supt A T Pointing together with Inspector Summerfield interviewed Sen Cons Campbell in relation to allegations of corruption within the force.
"It is on record that at that interview, under questioning from Det Sup Pointing and Insp Summerfield, Sen Cons Campbell assured both officers he had no knowledge or suspicion of any criminal corruption with the police
force. He informed both officers that his original allegations of corruption centred around his disquiet relating to an unrequested transfer.
"I am sure that all honourable members find it amazing that Sen Cons Campbell as recently as four months ago was provided with an opportunity to expand on allegations of corruption within the force. For the benefit of the
honourable member for Archerfield I repeat that Campbell assured both Det Sup Pointing and Insp Summerfield that he had no knowledge or suspicion of any criminal corruption within the force. I think this admission by Campbell only three months ago offers a true reflection of the sincerity of his remarks on Nationwide last night.
"Throughout his service, Campbell appeared obsessed with the attitude of other police officers and what he regarded as corrupt activities within the department. In fact, his colleagues were well aware of his attitudes
and resented Campbell's lack of interest in his police duties. He was characterized by his colleagues as a bludger and a professional student.
"I am reliably informed that Robert J Campbell is the author of an underground newspaper, known as the Woolloongabba Worrier. This grubby little rag, which has seen three issues, was published anonymously and clearly expounds the philosophies that were repeated in last night's scurrilous attack on Nationwide."
Hinze switched his attack to Fancourt and tipped a bucket over him as well. And he told the House that Hooper had set up the whole thing as a "deliberate smear against the entire Queensland Police Force".
Bob Gibbs, the Labor Police spokesman, backed Hooper and Campbell by asking Bjelke-Petersen if he would order a Royal Commission to clear honest police and restore public confidence in the force.
The churchgoing, Christian, law-and-order Premier said: "The answer is no. If the honourable member listened to the police commissioner he should know that he is stretching the bow rather far when he refers to these two
former police officers as honest policemen. Their close association with the honourable member for Archerfield should indicate their standing. That clarifies the situation very clearly. If the honourable member adds up the three of them he will get the answer. The answer is no, there will be no inquiry."
And so the two men's characters were assassinated. They were accusing top officers of corruption. Those same men had told Hinze what answers to give to Parliament. Campbell and Fancourt were scum. Quite why they would want to go on television to commit slander was not explained satisfactorily. But at least Bjelke-Petersen and Hinze were off the hook for the moment. As the Fitzgerald Report was to say, Hinze had vilified the men. And the Government had weathered the initial onslaught. Parliament was not due to sit again until the ninth.
But Hinze was not out of it yet. He was besieged by the media. Hadn't he deliberately attempted to smear the men's names instead of addressing himself to the allegations of corruption?
"No," snarled Hinze. "Now you know as well as I do that it was trickery of the highest order by your own Nationwide. Frankly you should be ashamed of yourself."
He turned on the media, saying: "There's bad apples in everything and there'd be a few corrupt reporters too, wouldn't there? Would you like us to have a little bit of an investigation? You might get a bit of a shock!"
A reporter asked: "Are you threatening the media, Mr Hinze?"
"I wouldn't threaten anybody," the big man replied. "You know I'm far too gentle to threaten anybody."
He turned on Campbell again: "Now if he could catch anyone in a hundred years I'll walk to Camooweal. I watched him try to play tennis this morning. Now, have you ever seen anything as funny in all your life? All I'm trying to say is there is no way in the world he was overworked."
Asked to answer the allegations, Hinze turned on the reporter: "Well, I'll give you a bit of a pasting today, young fella. You'll be out of a job tomorrow."
Campbell agreed to go before the cameras of Nationwide again that night. The first point was that Hinze had accused him of setting out to destroy the credibility of the force.
He replied that after a royal commission the force's credibility would rise rather than fall. He explained about his meeting with the two internal investigations officers just before Christmas. And he told how Doumany had never even replied to his huge statement.
Viewers were told Hinze had refused to come on the program to reply to the allegations. And the anchorman told how Lewis's office had originally asked for a right of reply to the allegations. Now the program had been told Lewis would have preferred to have appeared last night. Now he was too busy!
Campbell picked up his Courier Mail on March 5 to find he was the subject of the main story. The good news was that Hinze was saying he was prepared to inquire into the allegations. The bad news was that he called the
accusations "a cock and bull story concocted by two malcontents with a grudge against the police force". Worse, Deputy Police Commissioner Duffy had been personally ordered by Lewis to find Campbell but, of course, had been unable to do so. He read also that the Premier had rejected any inquiry.
Hooper, determined to try to bring the issue to a head, was quoted as saying he was prepared to state the names of corrupt senior police, including the man known as the Godfather of organised crime in this State, if he was given the opportunity in Parliament. Deep in the paper was another story on Joh rejecting calls for a police probe.
There were no letters from angry readers: no leading article in any newspaper demanding action.
At police HQ Lewis diarised: "spoke to Des Sturgess who used video recorder with Asst Comm Murphy".
On Saturday March 6 Campbell was horrified to find the on-going story relegated to page 10 with Queensland Council for Civil Liberties and Liberal president Dr John Herron demanding an independent inquiry.
Lewis phoned Hinze to tell him of Campbell's 11-page statement and a three-page covering opinion by the Solicitor-General. And he met Murphy to discuss Campbell's statement - the one which was meant to be
confidential.
Next day there was a tiny story in the Sunday Sun and nothing at all in the Sunday Mail. Lewis was busy. "Asst Comm Murphy called re statements to D Sturgess LLB. Phoned Mr Sturgess re same. Phoned hon Lane
re general matters. Phoned Allen Callaghan re same." Callaghan was the Premier's right hand man - a man who
would eventually be jailed for fraud.
On March 8 The Courier Mail carried a negative story headlined: Last chance says Hinze. Campbell and Fancourt were supposed to name names or drop their allegations. The story reported that Hinze had only just sighted the
statement Campbell had given to Sam Doumany. Hinze was surprised it had not reached him before. A report on the statement by the Solicitor-General's office was leaked to the paper. The Solicitor-General's report said: "All in all the document is characterised by vagueness and innuendoes. He (Campbell) does suggest that a further statement would be forthcoming if confidentiality can be respected."
That day Minister Lane, the former Rat Pack associate, returned Lewis's call from the previous day.Tony Murphy called Lewis regarding his conversations with Sturgess.
With the campaign faltering disastrously, Fancourt was brave enough to go back on Nationwide that night to enlarge on his claims and to tell how he believed a Scotland Yard report into corruption in the Queensland force
had been shredded.
Hinze had issued Campbell a challenge to put up or shut up. But Campbell was aware that if he revealed his evidence it would quickly be countered. Any investigation would be a whitewash. He and his solicitor came up with a statement which emphasised what Campbell possessed without giving anything away.
It said: "I Robert James Campbell, of 20 Chelsea Crescent, Alexandra Hills, in the State of Queensland, do solemnly and sincerely declare that I have in my possession information and documentation relating to police corruption. This information concerns some individuals in positions of high authority in the Queensland police force. I am prepared to name these people and give this information to an independent judicial inquiry or a royal commission into corruption in the Queensland police force should they be held."
On March 9 the president of the Liberal Party, Dr John Herron, said Queensland deserved a better deal than the one dealt by Hinze. He called on Bjelke-Petersen to remove him from the police portfolio. Campbell noticed there
were still no letters or leading articles in the papers.
Lewis recalled in his diary: "Allen Callaghan phoned re media attitude to allegations. Premier phoned re action on Campbell and Fancourt's allegations. Hon Lane phoned re general matters. Saw Hon Hinze re...Premier phoning this morning and agreeing to briefing of Mr Des Sturgess (Minister also agreed and said Hon Doumany said to go
ahead)."
The guardians of Queensland's democracy met in the venerable Parliament House at 11 am. The Speaker, Selwyn Muller, prayed for divine guidance so that the members could reach just decisions. Two minutes later the gross figure of Russ Hinze was on his feet with a Ministerial statement.
"Two days ago in the interests of the public and of the police themselves, I offered to provide Campbell and Fancourt with a unique opportunity to back up their claims. Between 9.30 and 10 am this morning I waited in my
office for them to produce sworn affidavits detailing their allegations. For the information of honourable members, at eight minutes past 10 this morning a young girl who refused to identify herself or her employer delivered a document to my office."
Then Hinze showed what a wily old politician he was. Instead of reading out Campbell's declaration, with its renewed affirmation that there was evidence that top police were criminals, he said he would table it. This meant
it would only be available for inspection by those willing to take the time to seek it out. Many members would not do so.
To the majority of the house who would take his words at face value, Hinze declared of the statement: "It proves beyond any shadow of a doubt that Campbell and Fancourt do not have the evidence to back up their wild and
unfounded allegations. I have received no correspondence or contact whatsoever from Fancourt and I think this is ample reflection of the sincerity of his statements. The document received by my office can best be described as a face saver by Campbell. It is a six-line statutory declaration which says nothing, does nothing and means nothing. It will however, be forwarded to the Solicitor-General for advice."
Hinze repeated that he would table the document - "in the interests of clearing the name of all police officers who have been cowardly maligned by these allegations".
He complained that Royal Commissions gave great opportunities to the malicious. "This latest application for a Royal Commission failed all tests. Campbell has made allegations for some time past of impropriety in the police
force. He has been interviewed on different occasions by Supt Pointing and Insp Summerfield and by the Commissioner and Deputy Commissioner. His allegation then was that he had been victimised in relation to transfers. On 24 December, 1981 - apparently during his hours of duty - he typed a ten and a half page statement
and sent it to the Honourable the Attorney-General (Doumany). It was examined by the Solicitor-General who reported amongst other things: 'All in all, the document is characterised by vagueness and innuendoes...the material in its present form is grossly unsatisfactory from any point of view and of itself would not warrant any major investigation of the type which he wishes.'
“The only specific allegation made by Campbell related to the conduct of a Det Sgt Freier at some unidentified time and place prior to Campbell's transfer from Fortitude Valley in December 1977. This stale allegation is now the subject of defamation proceedings in the Supreme Court, and in any event, is scarcely a matter that requires a Royal Commission."
Hinze was doubly clever here.
As he was well aware, even the Solicitor-General had indicated that the statement to Doumany was merely Campbell's feeler - a way of testing the water. It plainly was not meant to detail everything Campbell had to reveal.
But this time Hinze did not even table the statement. He kept this information to himself. Other Parliamentarians would never know the true situation. Secondly, by telling the House the matter was now the subject of a writ, he was effectively closing the door on any debate of the contents of Campbell's original statement. It was a well-established practice that the Speaker gagged debate in these circumstances.
Hinze renewed his attack: "What is Campbell's background? He has been a malcontent. He has quarrelled with his union, his workmates and his superiors...Prior to his resignation he had been publishing a document called
the Woolloongabba Worrier. The language of it is the language of a lavatory wall. In one edition he said shocking things about the commissioner and the president and the secretary of the police union - persons with whom he had worked."
During question time Labor leader Ed Casey pointed out that National Party president Sir Robert Sparkes favoured a judicial inquiry and Liberal Party president Dr John Herron had said Hinze should be removed from his
portfolio because the police deserved a better deal than the one dealt by Hinze. So would Hinze think again about a judicial inquiry?
"Under the present circumstances the answer is an emphatic 'no'," said Hinze, adding with what passed for subtle repartee in the Queensland Parliament: "Dr Herron can go and jump in the proverbial lake."
Hooper asked Hinze what action he had taken with the police licensing branch in dealing with the illegal gambling dens operating at 142 Wickham St and 121 Brunswick St, Fortitude Valley.
Hinze admitted he had turned down an invitation from Hooper to see at first hand what happened there. He said he had recently driven past the den in Wickham St, on the ground floor of which was Bubbles Bath House. "I
remarked to the police officer with me 'That is the joint Hooper wanted us to go into. If Hooper went in there he would want to jump into the bath and have a swim because he would have fleas all over him before he got out of the place.' Of course they are there."
In the dining room at Parliament House that lunchtime Campbell was a guest of Hooper. The two of them sat down ostentatiously to await the arrival of Hinze. But despite Hooper waving for him to come over, Hinze
determinedly avoided their table.
Next day The Courier-Mail reported: Joh backs Hinze on police ruling. And another story told how one of three members of the 1977 judicial inquiry into criminal law, Des Sturgess, agreed with Mr Hinze's refusal to
appoint a royal commission into Campbell's and Fancourt's allegations. "It would have been completely
irresponsible to set up a royal commission on the material that was given," he said.
The public would not have been aware that the Premier had sanctioned Sturgess's briefing to act for Lewis. Sturgess was the barrister of choice whenever any of the Rat Pack needed legal representation.
And Sturgess was reported in the Telegraph as saying unsubstantiated allegations did enormous damage to the force. The same article quoted Bjelke-Petersen as saying the government was satisfied the allegations of
Campbell and Fancourt were groundless.
Campbell noticed resignedly that the Courier Mail had still not received a single letter on the subject. But at least it now carried a leader on the topic. It recalled how the Premier had led the Government in rejecting the
report of the 1977 inquiry into the force. But the leader did not call for an inquiry now.
Despite the enormity of the Nationwide allegations, it wasn’t until now that the Premier actually sat down face to face with his police chief, according to Lewis's diary. Lewis drew up an agenda for the meeting which centred on Campbell's statement to Doumany. He had analysed it and among the matters he wanted to raise with Bjelke-Petersen was Freier - alleged in the statement to have been overheard collecting graft. It appears from the diary
that the Premier was not an angry man. He was not demanding explanations. The diary reads: "Office 7.20am. Saw Premier re Hooper's comments; Campbell's statement; union's attitude; Sturgess retained; and he mentioned replacement of Hinze." Then Lewis phoned the National Party president Sir Robert Sparkes for a chat.
In the House Casey asked the Premier a reasonable question about the Scotland Yard investigation of corruption in the Queensland police. The 1977 report had never seen the light of day. What had happened to it? asked
Casey.
Bjelke-Petersen: "It is quite evident that as usual the Labor Party is conducting a campaign to destroy public confidence in the police force. The Labor Party's mission is to work together with the activists and communists
with whom it associates and who are part and parcel of its organisation. The Labor Party is completely controlled by the communists and the socialist left-wingers. The Labor Party is trying to destroy the police force because it
knows that only by doing so can the communists and members of the Opposition hope to gain power within their party. Queensland is fortunate in having the best police force in Australia and the best police commissioner in Australia. I support the commissioner and his officers very strongly. Queensland is confronted with a serious situation, one in which the Labor Party is working with black activists and is supporting and promoting them."
If there was anything worse than a student in the Christian Premier's view, it was a full time student - obviously
a long-haired, scruffy, dirty, lazy, pot-smoking, traffic-blocking demonstrator. And if there was anything worse
than a full-time student it was a black activist, such as Nelson Mandela.
The diatribe went stumbling on disjointedly. Four times Casey interjected, trying to get his question answered. The Speaker shouted him down: "Order! The question asked by the leader of the Opposition has been answered.
Whether it was answered to his satisfaction or not is not my concern."
Click here for chapter 6